The Love and Hate in Wuthering Heights - 5240 Words

The Love and Hate in Wuthering Heights Shi Xueping Introduction Wuthering Heights, the great novel by Emily Bronte, though not inordinately long is an amalgamation of childhood fantasies, friendship, romance, and revenge. But this story is not a simple story of revenge, it has more profound implications. As Arnold Kettle, the English critic, said, Wuthering Heights is an expression in the imaginative terms of art of the stresses and tensions and conflicts, personal and spiritual, of nineteenth-century capitalist society.† The characters of Wuthering Heights embody the extreme love and extreme hate of the humanity. 1.1 Introduction of the auther Emily Jane Bronte was the most solitary member of a†¦show more content†¦After overhearing part of Catherine’s conversation with Nelly that she would marry Edgar, Heathcliff could not bear the indignation and degradation and left Wuthering Heights. Catherine’s conversation with Nelly was that if Heathcliff could remain, even though all else perished, she should still continue to be. She and Heathcliff belonged to the same kind. But Heathcliff didn’t hear it. So after Heathcliff’s leaving, Catherine was desperately ill and recovered by the care of Linton couple. Three years later Catherine was married to Edgar. Six months later, Heathcliff, a different man, appeared. Catherine was so pleased at the news. But out of her surprise Heathcliff took on his two-fold revenge, first on Hindley who had treated him so badly in the past, secondly he threatened Catherine to marry Linton. Unfortunately Edgar’s sister Isabella fell in love with Heathcliff and Heathcliff married her out of love, but for the property of Thrush cross Grange. At the same time Catherine locked herself in the room because Edgar refused Heathcliff. The she became delirious from illness and had brain fever. Eventually she recovered but remained delicate. Edgar worried too much about Catherine’s health and emotion. Then Heathcliff and Catherine met again. There was a terrible scene between them. Both of them showed their anger and love to each other which worsenedShow MoreRelatedEssay on Love, Hate and Cruelty in Wuthering Heights970 Words   |  4 PagesLove, Hate and Cruelty in Wuthering Heights      Ã‚   Wuthering Heights written by Emily Bronte, was a novel filled with many emotions and activity.   Her characters represent an on going conflict between love and hate. Upon the publication of the book articles and reviews were written regarding Brontes novel. Following her death some of these were recovered such as the following written January 15 1848:   In Wuthering Heights the reader is shocked, disgusted, almost sickenedRead More Wuthering Heights- Is Heathcliff a man or a devil? Essay1712 Words   |  7 PagesWuthering Heights- Is Heathcliff a man or a devil? 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One could neverthelessRead MoreEmily Bronte s Wuthering Heights1283 Words   |  6 PagesEmily Brontà «Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s Wuthering Heights is told from a complicated point of view. The narrator of the past is Nelly Dean, while the present time narrator is Mr. Lockwood. Set as a story within a story, Nelly tells Lockwood an eyewitness account of her dealings with the Earnshaws and the Lintons, while Lockwood is the outsider who records in his diary Nelly’s stories of Wuthering Heights and Thrushcross Grange. From the novel’s beginning, Lockwood proves himself to be objective, while Nelly is subjectiveRead MoreExternal Crisis Throughout Wuthering Heights1518 Words   |  7 PagesExternal Crisis Throughout Wuthering Heights. While reading Emily Bronte s classic Wuthering Heights you are taken on a journey of love and obsession, betrayal and revenge and a tragedy of wasted passion and lost potential. The book Wuthering Heights is told through the perspective of a written diary owned by a man, this man being Mr. Lockwood. In 1801, Mr. Lockwood rents the property Thrushcross Grange, a property owned by the mysterious Mr. Heathcliff of Wuthering Heights. Upon meeting MrRead MoreRevenge in Wuthering Heights Essay783 Words   |  4 PagesRevenge in Wuthering Heights Novels often use the emotion of hate to create tension and distress in the plot. Wuthering Heights uses Heathcliff’s disdain for the other characters to add conflict to the story. Wuthering Heights examines the source of Heathcliff’s hate as well as its effects on the other characters throughout the story. Heathcliff’s relationships with other characters also suggests the universal theme that breeds hatred. Hindley plants the seeds of hate into HeathcliffRead MoreAnalysis Of Emily Bronte s Wuthering Heights 1589 Words   |  7 PagesVictoria Embry Outside Reading Analysis Wuthering Heights Tramel – 2nd period November 4, 2016 Introduction The self-consuming nature of passion is mutually destructive and tragic. The gothic Victorian novel, Wuthering Heights, was written by Emily Bronte and published in 1847 where Bronte challenges ideas of religious hypocrisy, social classes, gender inequality and mortality. Wuthering Heights was first ill received being too much removed from the ordinary reality in the mid-nineteenth-century;Read MoreWuthering Heights and Jane Eyre Essay809 Words   |  4 PagesThroughout the novels Wuthering Heights by Emily Bronte and Jane Eyre by Charlotte Bronte countless comparisons of eternal love can be made. 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He was irrational and never treated EmilyRead MoreAnalysis Of The Novel Wuthering Heights 1636 Words   |  7 PagesJournal - Wuthering Heights Point of View – Wuthering Heights has two main narrators from whose point of view the novel is written. Lockwood is the primary narrator, and much is of what takes place in the present is told through his eyes, via first-person. The narration shifts to Ellen Dean, as she gives, to both Lockwood and the reader, her version of past events. She serves as the peripheral narrator, who is meant to tell the tale of what transpired before Lockwood’s arrival to Wuthering Heights. Ellen’s

Helping Slaves Escape with the Underground Railroad

The Underground Railroad was a hidden system developed to help fugitive slaves escape from bondage. It is both a dangerous and illegal task to assist these fugitive runaways with their escape. Secret codes were created to help protect themselves and to reach their destinations safely. One of these secret codes was the â€Å"Quilt Code,† it was used to display various geometric shapes and patterns resembling those found in American patchwork quilts. These quilts displayed messages in connection with the Underground Railroad and were hung outside of Underground Railroad safe houses. The term â€Å"Underground Railroad† was a reference to the whole system containing routes called lines. The ones who assisted the runaway slaves were called conductors and the slaves were called cargo. The safe houses used to hide slaves were called stations. The term â€Å"Underground Railroad† was said to have first originated when a runaway slave, Tice Davids, escaped from Kentucky. Davids’s master chased Davids all the way to the Ohio River. Davids suddenly disappeared leaving his owner wondering if the slave had â€Å"gone off on some underground railroad.† The Underground Railroad was a dangerous journey for the fugitives. The runaways had to travel many miles on foot in a short amount of time. They had hardly any food and scarce protection from the slave catchers who chased them. Slave owners were not the only ones pursuing fugitive slaves. They would try to encourage others toShow MoreRelatedSlavery And The Underground Railroad1520 Words   |  7 Pages Slavery was a horrific action that took place for hundreds of years., The Underground Railroad was a way to escape this atrocity. The Underground Railroad was not an actual railroad that was underground, but instead a system of homes and places that would hous e runaway slaves and help them to escape to the North. The Underground Railroad was a dangerous thing, but had the great reward of, freedom for slaves, if theyyou successfully completed the challenge. It took great courage and bravery to takeRead More The Underground Railroad: Escaping Slavery Essays818 Words   |  4 Pages The Underground Railroad was what many slaves used to escape slavery. It was not an actual railroad, although it could easily be compared to one. It was a route, with safe houses and many other hiding spots for the slaves to use. The paths had conductors telling you where to go and people who would drive you to the next safe house. You had to be quick, you had to be strong, and you had to be very courageous. The Underground Railroad led all the way to Canada. There were many people helping the slavesRead MoreEssay about The Underground Railroad1092 Words   |  5 Pagesreputation to African people. Many slave owners treated their slaves well, many did not. They forced their slaves to live in deplorable conditions. Malnutrition and overworking often led to death. If you were a slave, would you risk it all and try to run away? You might not have a choice if you wanted to stay alive. In 1581, the first imported African slaves landed in the Americas. The Spanish brought people from Africa to work for them in Florida. In 1619, the first slaves were brought into the originalRead MoreHarriet Tubman And The Underground Railroad1097 Words   |  5 Pagesin 1822 in Dorchester, Maryland. She was born a slave and would be, until she ran away in 1849. After she ran away she did many great deeds, but how do you define greatness. Based off the length of time, risk, and number of people helped, there is a clear outline for greatness. Harriet Tubman had many great achievements throughout her life. She was a spy, a nurse, and a caregiver. However her greatest achievement was working in the Underground Railroad. One of the many achievements of Harriet TubmanRead MoreThe Underground Railroad1073 Words   |  5 Pagesthe Underground Railroad was established and became an important part of American history. It was an important part of American history because it stopped the torture, and mistreating of many blacks, it helped free thousands of people, and it saved many lives. What was the Underground Railroad? It was a group of strong, brave abolitionists that helped runaway, or fugitive slaves, escape from the South to the North and to Canada, where they could live their life free. The Underground Railroad extendedRead MoreThe Underground Railroad Was Not Only A Significant Part Of Our Nation s History1611 Words   |  7 PagesThe Underground Railroad was not only a significant part of our nation’s history, but also a journey towards freedom, possibility, promise, and hope for so many African American slaves who ventured along the many â€Å"railways† of it. Being involved in the Underground Railroad was a risky affair, but simultaneously, incredibly rewarding for those exerting such great efforts to grab the dreams and promise set before them. The Underground Railroad occurred in several decades prior to the Civil War (CecelskiRead MoreHarriet Tubman Fight for Freedom Essay1699 Words   |  7 PagesTubman and she was one of the leaders of the Underground Railroad that helped slaves reach freedom. â€Å"Although not an actual railroad of steel rails, locomotives and steam engines, the Underground Railroad was real nevertheless† (encyclopedia The Civil War and African Americans 329) The term â€Å"Underground Railroad† referred to the network of safe houses, transportation and the many very kind hearted people who risked their own lives to help the slaves escape from the Southern States to freedom. ManyRead MoreThe Underground Railroad : The Secret System Of Escape During Slavery1107 Words   |  5 Pages The Underground Railroad The Underground Railroad is one of the most historical national monuments around the world. The term underground railroad was used to describe a network of meeting places, secret passageways, and safe houses used by the African slaves to escape the slave states and travel to the northern states, such as Canada (â€Å"Underground Railroad Where History†) . The Underground Railroad also had many prominent figures including Harriet Tubman, John Fairfield, and Levi Coffin (â€Å"PeopleRead MoreUnderground Railroad974 Words   |  4 PagesThe Underground Railroad’s Strive for Freedom Secrecy The Underground Railroad was a road to freedom which consisted of an enormous system of people who helped fugitive slaves flee to the North and to Canada. It was run by many Caucasians, or abolitionists, but mainly African Americans, or slaves (Heinrichs 8). The Underground Railroad was a danger which many risked their own lives to save the ones of slaves. This wouldn’t have been able to happen if it weren’t for their secrecy and bravenessRead MoreThe Underground Railroad And The Civil War1709 Words   |  7 PagesThe Underground Railroad was a passage to freedom for the slaves which made the slave-owners exasperate. The slaves had to risk their lives while travelling to the northern states but it was worth it as the result of such hard work was freedom. The underground railroad, a secret network running from the Deep South through the free states and to the Canadian border that helped slaves escape from the slave-holding states before the Civil War, allowed abolitio nists and their allies to help runaway

Should the English Police Use Firearms Free Essays

string(66) " in dealing with public order and terrorism \(Reiner 2000, p67\)\." Should the English police carry and use firearms? This essay explores the debate whether the English police carry and use firearms? It is a debate that has been a focal point in the public, policing agency, government and political arenas since the formation of the police. The English police are well known for their ‘unarmed’ tactic of policing and are only a few police forces worldwide that do so. It was this model of policing that Sir Robert Peel tried to distill from when he first formed the Metropolitan Police back in 1829, which as England as a country keeps to its traditions. We will write a custom essay sample on Should the English Police Use Firearms or any similar topic only for you Order Now However, due to increase in gun crime and terrorist attacks it is perhaps maybe time that the English police force kept up with an ever sophisticated and armed criminal/terrorist. In this essay the main themes I will focus on will be the background of the police, British models of policing, for and against armed response and the level of gun crime in the UK. The term ‘police’ derived from the Greek word ‘politeia’ meaning government or state. ‘Police’ refers to a social institution that most modern societies have to ensure social control. In modern society there is an ideological assumption that the police are a fundamental part of social control and without them there would be chaos (Reiner 2000, p1), however not every society has existed with a formal police force. The role of the police in its efforts for the control of crime and maintaining order is one that has changed through history and is an area of great debate in their effectiveness and the functions the police have in modern society. The police in modern society are called upon routinely to perform a wide range of tasks from public reassurance to terrorism and respond to emergencies, critical incidents and crises, many with an element of social conflict (Grieve et al. 2007, p19). A state run police organisation is a modern form of ‘policing’ (Reiner 2000,p2), however ‘policing’ is a different idea to that of the ‘police’. Understanding the function and role of the police requires consideration to the ideology of policing. The concept of policing can be defined as ‘the function of maintaining social control in society’ (Reiner 2000, p3). Policing can be carried out by an array of people and techniques of which the modern idea of the police is one. The police as a specialised institution of social control are seen as a product of the division of labour in modern societies and can be distinguished from other types of policing by their ability to use legitimate force. In modern democracy the police are both the symbolic ‘front’ of the state’s authority and responsible for the protecting individual and collective freedoms (Neyroud Beckley 2008, p21). In the UK policing is seen to be ‘by consent’ rather than a state run military model, thus its success is dependent on public co-operation and approval than fear (Grieve et. al 2007, p19). The English police force is only a number of police forces in the world were firearms are not routinely carried by all officers. It has kept in accordance to when they were first formed in 1829 by Sir Robert Peel, after the Metropolitan Police Act was passed by parliament. Upon the forming of on Metropolitan police force (1829), Sir Robert Peel’s intention was that the police’s role was for the prevention of crime. Efforts were made so that the new police did not look like soldiers, where Sir Robert Peel tried to avoid accusations of setting up a continental system of ‘agents’ like the French model of policing. The police weaponry was limited to a wooden truncheon, though cutlasses were available for emergencies and for patrolling dangerous beats and inspectors and above could carry pocket pistols (Emsley 1996, p26). The decision not to arm the Metropolitan Police in 1829 was intentional. The use of force used by the police was only to the extent necessary to secure observance of the law or to restore order only when the exercise of persuasion, advice and warning is found to be insufficient. The aim was to convey ‘civilian’ status (a citizen in uniform), distancing the police from the military. Sir Robert Peel in his model of the Metropolitan police implemented that the police, at all times, should maintain a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and the public are the police; the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence. The days of the ‘local bobby on the beat’ and that of a civilian in clothing seemed to be a past time view of the police force by the 1960s. A new system of policing emerged, encouraged by the Home Office, which saw the number of officers on foot and put more into cars. This new system of policing was called ‘unit beat patrol’ (UBP), together with personal radios issued to all officers to enable quicker responses and cover more area (Newburn 2008, p91). This new ystem of policing intended to improve policing and police-community relations, yet it was seen to have the adverse effects. The UBP saw changes not only to the style of policing but also the image, as Chiball (1977) described it: ‘The â€Å"British bobby’’ was recast as the tough, dashing, formidable (but still brave and honest) â€Å"Crime-Buster† (cited in Newburn 2008, p91). However, the most notably change was the model of policing, it had seemed that the original â₠¬Ëœdemocratic’ model had been replaced by a ‘military’ model of policing. A new trend of hard-liner policing of political and industrial conflict emerged as serious disorder develop in England in the 1970s to 1980s. New forces within the police force were developed, specially trained, readily mobile to cope with riots with the formation of The Metropolitan Police Special Patrol Group in 1965. This was a mobile reserve, developed with a paramilitary role in dealing with public order and terrorism (Reiner 2000, p67). You read "Should the English Police Use Firearms" in category "Essay examples" All forces produced similar units which were trained in riot control and use of firearms. The military model of policing was ever present during the miners’ strikes of the 1980s, where the police now using centrally co-ordinated police operations and officers were now routinely using riot shields, helmets with visors and long batons in public disorders and riots. The use of force by the police had reached new levels as police used new tactics to ‘disperse and/or incapacitate’ protestors, outlined from the Tactical Options Manual approved by the Home Secretary in 1983 (Emsley 1996, p184). Plastic bullets and CS gas were more commonly deployed and even used in public disorder and riots with the showing of a police force more readily and willing to use excessive force against the public. However, it was common for complaints to be made regarding excessive force by the police but only to be dismissed due to the structure of the complaints system and the legitimacy issues in accountability of the police of use of force. It is evident that the use of force by the police over time has increased and also changed as has the model of policing, tactics, technology and weaponry available to the police. However, what weapons are available to the police and how they use is a topic of public concern and often political controversy. The legal use of force, the Criminal Justice Act 1967 section 3, states the ‘any person may use such force as is a reasonable in the circumstances’ for the lawful purposes. Article 2 of the European Convention amends this provision to equire that the use of lethal force by police officers should be necessary and proportionate (Newburn 2008, p468). With the emergence of guns more readily available and used by the police, it is only necessary that such overseeing bodies like The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) are formed. Established in 1942, the ACPO function is an independent professionally led body with the aim of centralising the development of policing s trategies as a whole (Grieve 2007, p27). In the ‘Manual of Guidance on the Management, Command and Deployment of Armed Officers (2010) the guidelines for using lethal force are as stated in Article 4: ‘Law enforcement officials, in carrying out their duty, shall, as far as possible, apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of firearms. They may use force and firearms only if other means remain ineffective or without any promise of achieving intended results’†¦Article 5 states: ‘Exercise and restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence and legitimate objective achieved’. Consequently, in the UK, police officers are given the discretion to determine if the suspect poses a threat to the police officer or the public as PACE does not actually define what is ‘reasonable force’. In the pursuit of these suspects, police officers are given the power to use deadly force through probable cause of harm. The courts decide whether the use of deadly force is justified or not and in some cases, police officers are charged because their use of deadly force is considered to be unjustifiable. Hence, there is a very thin line separating the justification of the use of deadly force from an act that is unjustified. The ethical and moral dilemma of police officers therefore rests not only on the regulations of their agency but on their analytical and ethical decision. In 2008/09, there were 6,868 authorised firearms officers within the police force which was made up of 136,365 (Home Office, 2010). This is a small minority of police officers who are trained and authorised to use firearms but when considering that the English police are seen as an ‘unarmed’ force, these numbers are quite high. A debate of great concern for the public but also crime agencies and political arenas, is whether English police officers should carry and use firearms? The increasing use of guns by criminals and gun related deaths to both the public and English police officers has been a catalyst for supporters in the carrying and use of firearms by police officers. The 1960s was seen as the turning point in the arming of police officers as in Shepard’s Bush, London, three plain clothed police officers were shot dead (Newburn 2008, p473). This incident prompted the creation of the Metropolitan Police’s ‘D11’ which trained officers on firearms. However, even with the creation and training of police armed response teams such methods proved inadequate to deal with incidents like the Hungerford massacre. Michael Ryan became Britain’s first spree killer (Squires Kennison 2010 p77), when he killed 16 people. The Thames Valley Police Tactical Arms Firearms team was 40 miles away and took an hour and forty minutes to assemble; this resulted in the debate about the effectiveness of having specific armed response teams and not a general armed police force that could deal with situations more effectively and quicker. In outlining the history of the UK police force Neyroud Beckley (2008) argues that the baton-days prior 1980s was not enough to protect public safety against criminals. He cites the case of the Hungerford Shootings and the Thames Valley Police Force where an armed man killed two persons and injured one after a random shooting. The police force was heavily criticised because of the length of time it took for the police officers to respond to calls. The police was also criticised because the police use of firearms was largely focused on protecting the safety of the officers and on preventing fatal shootings, instead of focusing on public safety. Since then, the public expectations of the police and the use of force has been a dilemma for the UK police. Following the shootings, there was a call for more aggressive approach to enforcing the law. Is the use of deadly force justified? For the Thames Valley Police it is justified because it protects not only the police officers but also public security (Neyroud Beckley, 2008, p253). Security threats cannot be allowed in a society since they affect the confidence of the public on the police. In the terms of consequentialism, shooting a person who is out to massacre innocent is justified because the death of the criminal would mean sparing the lives of many others, restoring the peace and order needed by the society to properly function. The arming of police officers routinely could be considered a small step, as police officers are routinely armed already in a variety of situations, e. g. at airports and when providing security for political leaders or institutions. Already rapid-response units of armed officers are available to deal with armed criminals, but these need to be specially summoned and authorised which consumes time and lead to being ineffective in the situation. Armed police can be seen to reassure law-abiding citizens at a time when gun-related crime is increasing in most European countries and parts of North America. Much public opinion holds that something must be done to tackle this. People may feel safer when they see armed police, especially if they perceive them as a response to a heightened risk. Thus, for example, police officers at British airports and places government buildings routinely carry guns after recent terrorist attacks on England. Just as quickly as incidents brought about a feeling of approving by many of the carrying and use of firearms with deaths of police officers and public, it brought about incidents that gave the disapproval. Having armed police response may have its benefits when dealing with armed and dangerous criminals or terrorist threats; however the problem faced by armed police officers is knowing how much of a threat that suspect really poses and if they are correctly identified as carrying firearms or even the correct suspect. A notably example of these problems faced by armed response police, was the Harry Stanley shooting in 1999. The police received a call that a man believed to be Irish was armed with a shotgun and an armed response team was dispatched to deal with the situation. Upon arriving at the pub the armed response team shouted to Mr Stanley and as he turned the officers took this action as an aim at them with the suspected gun and in response shot him dead. It was revealed that Harry Stewart was in fact carrying a wooden chair leg and posed no threat at all to police officers or the public. However, it was not only the wrongful killing of Harry Stuart that was scrutinised but the events of the incident told by the police officers as it did not match forensic evidence (Squires Kennison 2010, p172). A similar incident again highlighted the problems faced with armed police officers, the shooting of Jeans Charles de Menezes in 2005. Two weeks after the London bombings, Jean Charles de Menezes was followed by a surveillance team who had mistaken him for Hussain Osman, a suspected failed suicide bomber from the previous day. As Jean Charles de Menezes boarded a train at Stockwell train station he was confronted by anti-terrorism officers who shot him seven times, certain that he was a suicide bomber (O’Driscoll 2008, p341). Initially, a discernible reluctance to accuse the acting officers of any wrongdoing. On the contrary, there was a general acceptance that their actions were both defensible and consistent with Metropolitan Police procedures for dealing with suspected suicide bombers. Viewed in this light, the shooting of Menezes was an unfortunate mistake, but nothing more. The war on terror, it is claimed, presents a novel form of war that necessitates (and therefore legitimates) a robust engagement from the relevant security forces (O’Driscoll 2008, p342). Yet this simple formulation overlooks the possibility that it was the very conditions of the war on terror that gave rise to the circumstances where such a ‘mistake’ could occur. Police violence, according to Box (1983), tends to increase in proportion to the elite’s fear of disorder, and the more fearful the elite, the more likely they are to tolerate illegal violence against potentially dangerous groups (Belur 2010, p323). Thus, in societies with extremely unequal social structures, such as those in some Latin American countries, the fate of the socially marginal is regarded with indifference by the state and the middle-class public alike. Even in strong democracies like the United Kingdom, Jefferson (1990) found that dehumanization and demonization of dissident and marginal groups seek to construct an ‘authoritarian consensus’ among the ‘respectable majority’, which allows them and the government to authorize or condone certain coercive measures (cited Belur 2010, p324). For the debate whether English police officers should carry and use firearms, it is important to look at the statistics of gun crime in England as an indication on the severity of the problem for a justification. There has been a dramatic rise in the ‘street gang’ culture within the UK, characterised by illegal gun ownership and violence (Caddick Porter 2011, p1). A new wave of gun crime has contributed to the so called ‘gun culture’ that many of the UK’s youths participate in, despite a background of increasingly restrictive legislations and better policy responses. There were 53 fatal police shootings between 1990 and 2011 (Inquest 2011). The figures for fatal shootings might be deemed ‘low’, however the police in England have an international reputation for being ‘unarmed’. Overall, there were 19,951 police operations in 2008/09 in which a firearm was authorised. The overall level of gun crime in England and Wales is very low – less than 0. 5% of all recorded crime. In 2007/8 there were 9,865 offences in England and Wales in which firearms (excluding air weapons) were reportedly used, a 2% increase on the previous year. In 2007/8 there were 455 firearm offences in which there was a fatal or serious injury, 3% lower than in 2006/07. 6. 8% of all homicides committed during 2007/08 involved the use of firearms, down from 7. 8% in 2006/07 (Home Office (2010). Sir Robert Peel back in 1829, formed the Metropolitan Police with the aim to convey ‘civilian’ status (a citizen in uniform), distancing the police from the military. Sir Robert Peel in his model of the Metropolitan police implemented that the police, at all times, should maintain a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and the public are the police; the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence. There have been a number of major changes to the police force as well as in technology and weaponry which is certainly a necessary solution to new problems faced by the police from criminals. However, there is a reason why as early as 1829, English police officers have remained unarmed. Arming the police is an easy way of ignoring the fundamental failures of society. Guns are not a response to crime. What is actually needed is more effort in preventing crime through detective work and policing strategy rather than focussing on responding to it. Nor does arming the police offer a solution to fundamental socio-political issues which contribute to crime. Routinely arming the police is an uneven response to gun crime, as it will affect some sections of the community more than others. For example, as certain ethnic groups are often associated with particular types of criminality, police use of firearms will damage police credibility within communities which feel that they are the subject of too much police suspicion. Even if the police believe they are carrying weapons in self-defence, others will view it as an aggressive act. This is a big change, both culturally and practically. The large majority of policemen and women go through their whole career without handling firearms. Even with the special selection measures and intensive training given to the few firearms officers today, mistakes sometimes occur and innocent people are shot, either by mistake because the armed officers are acting on inaccurate information, or because they are bystanders caught in the cross-fire of a shoot-out. Arming all police officers would mean ditching the current stringent selection methods and inevitably result in less training being rovided, so mistakes would become much more common and more people would be wounded or killed. If the English police officer has managed to last from 1829 from its first formation without carrying and using firearms then it does not need them now. The current responses in place to terrorist and armed criminals in place are sufficient; although not perfect by any means it would be a devastating blow for the people of England tradition and the effects costly. There are enough replacements to the use of firearms and those options should be explored. References Belur, J. (2010). Why do Police Use Deadly Force? Explaining Police Encounters in Mumbai. British Journal pf Criminology. 50 (5), p320-341. Caddick, A Porter, E. (2011). Exploring a model of professionalism in multiple perpetrator violent gun crime in the UK. Criminology Criminal Justice. 1-22. Emsley, C (1996). The English Police: A Political and Social History. Essex: Pearson. Grieve, J et al. (2007). Policing. London: Sage Publications Hallsworth, S Silverstone, D. (2009). ‘That’s life innit’ A British perspective on guns, crime and social order. Criminal Criminal Justice. 9 (3), p359-377. Leishman, F Loveday, B Savage, S (2000). Core Issue In Policing. 2nd ed. Essex: Pearson. Lutterbeck, D. (2004). Between Police and Military:The New Security Agenda and the Rise of Gendarmeries. Cooperation and Conflict. 39 (45), p45-68. Malcolm, J (2002). Guns and Violence: The English Experience. London: Harvard University Press. McLaughlin, E (2007). The New Policing. London: Sage Publications. Mitchell, L Flin, R. (2007). Shooting Decisions by Police Firearms Officers. Journal of Cognitive Engineering and Decision Making,. 1 (4), p375-390. Newburn, T (2008). Handbook of Policing. 2nd ed. Devon: Willian Publishing. Newburn, T (2005). Policing: Key Readings. Oxon: Routledge. Neyroud, P and Beckley, A (2008). Policing, Ethics and Human Rights. 2nd ed. Devon: Willian Publishing. O’Driscoll, C. (2008). Fear and Trust: The Shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes and the War on Terror. Journal of International Studies. 36 (2), p339-360. Reiner, R (2000). The Politics of Policing. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sharp, D. (2005). Who Needs Theories in Policing? An Introduction to a Special Issue on Policing. The Howard Journal. 44 (5), p449-459. Squires, P ; Kennison, P (2010). Shooting to Kill. Sussex: Wiley ; Sons Ltd. How to cite Should the English Police Use Firearms, Essay examples

Growing Diversity and Complexity

Question: Explain what is causing the changes in the nature of the family as a social institution according to each political parties. Answer: The structure and functionality of families have been diversifying for the past few decades. In the 1960s, the family structure included parents and their children; presently only 16% of the households paint this picture (Knowles et al. 73). There are societal changes happening in every community due to the continued changes in the family structure and functionality. There are two popular viewpoints of political parties regarding the diversities in family, the first viewpoint supports the idea that the families are changing the society and are the building blocks responsible for maintaining societal structure. The second viewpoint on the other hand regards the family as the product of the society implying that social changes have changed the basic structure of families. People who believe that the changes in the families are deconstructing the societal structure are more alarmed by the significance of the situation. With the huge evolutionary steps taken by families every passing year, the implications on the society could be huge (Walsh et al. 222). According to the first viewpoint discussed, there are several changes in the family diversifying family infrastructure and affecting the society. For example, divorces and polygamy are common. People divorce their spouses and marry more than once. The children resulting from these marriages reside together but are divergent. Children residing together with their stepsiblings are known to be more problematic than the others are. This issue can be addressed by helping couples sort through their marriages with the help of therapy and by offering the same therapeutic opportunities to the children. According to the second viewpoint, societal changes are pressurizing families to change and adapt. For example, interracial marriages are common in this day and time because the society approves of it and even champions it. While the concept is not bad in any way, these marriages are creating confusions in the society; this can be addressed by proper counseling and encouraged social meetings. Reference Knowles, Gianna, and Radhika Holmstrom.Understanding Family Diversity and Home-School Relations: A guide for students and practitioners in early years and primary settings. Routledge, 2013. Walsh, Froma, ed.Normal family processes: Growing diversity and complexity. Guilford Press, 2012.